The Campaign to Weaken An Al-Qaeda-Affiliated Group in Syria

By Kyle Orton (@KyleWOrton) on 12 September 2017

Abdallah al-Muhaysini and Muslah al-Alyani, two senior clerics in Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the former al-Qaeda branch in Syria, resigned on 11 September 2017 after leaked recordings showed HTS commanders musing about assassinating al-Muhaysini. There is clearly a well-orchestrated campaign underway to weaken HTS by discrediting and dividing it, and the sophistication of the campaign gives every indication of being the work of a state intelligence service, almost certainly Turkey’s.


The audio that leaked yesterday between HTS leaders documented a conversation between “Imad” (Abu Husayn al-Urduni) and “Mughira” (Abu Hamra al-Binnish or Abu Waleed), the overall HTS emir in their stronghold of Idlib province in north-western Syria:

Mughira: The most important thing is that we work on the shaykhs, we put them in prison, and then we work a play within the group [to say] they are not shaykhs and they don’t know anything that is called principles. We need to bring them to account, then we work. As for me, I do the internal work.

Imad: By Allah, shaykh [referring to Mughira], I see the best thing we can do is to set up checkpoints and spray [bullets] on them on the road between, may Allah accept it. … Fire on al-Muhaysini, remove him, and finish [the matter].

Mughira: We were walking, all of them [HTS members] squeak to me, “We want a shar’i”. We said, this statement is not official, we removed that; a statement can be forged. Then we started laughing about them. We told them this is a system that we arranged. We are the leadership of the group and the shar’is do this and do that.

At the time of this conversation, al-Muhaysini was on his way to a HTS base to advise them to cease fighting against Ahrar al-Sham. The suggestion that HTS should kill al-Muhaysini en route by making it look like a miscue at a checkpoint, or else another of the random killings that occurs in the “jungle”, as some opposition activists have termed it, of Greater Idlib, is shocking. In some ways, more politically damaging is the reason given by Mughira for wanting to assassinate the cleric. Mughira speaks of HTS instrumentalizing religion, and showers contempt on those who truly seek to live by jurisprudence, rather than the “shari’a of force”.

(Another leak, from the same timeframe as the one about al-Muhaysini, has the de facto leader of HTS, the emir of the ostensibly-dissolved Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahmad al-Shara (Abu Muhammad al-Jolani)—referred to by the codename “Nayef”—orchestrating killings in order to try to create an atmosphere in which battling Ahrar becomes more acceptable.)

Abdallah al-Muhaysini put out a statement in response to this that essentially suggested that if only HTS gave him more power, this kind of thing would not keep happening:

All praise is due to Allah, the one and only God. May the peace and blessings come upon the Prophet, whom there is no prophet after.

To proceed:

About what is shown and confirmed by the leaks of the deviancy and corruption of the leaders of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham:

A group of people of knowledge in HTS are working through a package of necessary reforms and advice for HTS and these are their conditions if they are to stay in [HTS], with the accompanying danger during this stage and the complexities of the scene.

These reforms [that must be enacted to keep the muftis in HTS] are summarized as follows:

1) Returning esteem for the people of knowledge and preserving their status, to be a real reference for the leaders and soldiers in the mujahid group.

2) To activate [i.e. allow to work independently of HTS’s political leadership] the internal judiciary and increase its power.

3) The formation of a committee with high powers recommending reconciliation between the Hay’at and the people, and between Hay’at and the other factions, and looking at the files of the prisoners without exception and the complaints raised against HTS.

Dr. Abdallah al-Muhaysini

A mujahir in the land of al-Sham (Syria)

Before the day was out yesterday, Mughira had been sentenced to one-month imprisonment for defamation of the shar’iyyin, and al-Muhaysini had, with al-Alyani, quit HTS. [UPDATE: Al-Muhaysini later clarified that he quit not only because of the leaks but because his suggestions to rectify the situation, reprinted above, were rejected.]

This is a serious blow, at least politically, to HTS. Al-Muhaysini, a Saudi, is one of the major figures of the jihadi scene in Syria—something akin (certainly in his own mind) to what Abdullah Azzam was to the jihad against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. A charismatic preacher with extensive international connections, al-Muhaysini brings a lot of political weight inside Syria and a lot of financial and other resources from outside.

[UPDATE: The ramifications were extended on 13 September when Jaysh al-Ahrar, a splinter faction of Ahrar al-Sham led by Abu Saleh al-Tahan that joined HTS at its foundation, was also leaving HTS because of the revelation that HTS had considered killing al-Muhaysini. On 1 November 2017, al-Tahan was nearly assassinated at a checkpoint in al-Barqum in southern Rif Aleppo. HTS denied trying to murder al-Tahan.]

HTS has haemorrhaged such figures. In late 2016, Mostafa Mahamed (Abu Sulayman al-Muhajir) left what was then Jabhat Fatah al-Sham.


This latest audio is at least the sixth leak over the past month. All of these leaks have been detrimental, in one way or another, to HTS. On 9 September, for example, it was disclosed that Abu Ibrahim al-Salameh (Khattab), the HTS emir in Aleppo, and the HTS military commander of western Rif Aleppo, Abu Ubayd Kafr Hur, had conspired to isolate and attack Harakat Nooradeen al-Zengi, the major constituent part of HTS apart from al-Nusra. Al-Zengi left HTS in July, having concluded that al-Nusra had no intentions of actually merging power, and was making decisions around the shura council.

The technology required to intercept these communications, and the skill needed to disseminate them in this way, strongly hints at a professional intelligence service waging informational and political warfare against HTS. The prime suspect must be Turkey.


The leaks continued.

On 14 September, a ninth leak had a conversation between Mughira and Abdurraheem Atun (Abu Abdullah al-Shami), the chief religious judge of HTS. In the recording, both Mughira and Atun mock the HTS clerics, naming important figures like Abdallah al-Muhaysini, Maysar al-Jiburi (Abu Mariya al-Qahtani), and Abu al-Harith al-Masri, and also figures of lesser stature: Abu Muhajir, Abu Qassem, and Abu al-Yaqtham. Atun says he recently “humiliated” Abu al-Harith in front of HTS’s rank-and-file in an attempt to diminish his authority. Probably the most sensational part of the recording is when Mughira openly says that he recommended to HTS’s de facto emir, Ahmad al-Shara (Abu Muhammad al-Jolani), that they “get rid of [the shar’iyyin]”. Al-Shara rebuffed Mughira, saying, “Leave them to me”. Al-Shara’s method is allegedly to follow as Atun had done with Abu al-Harith and embarrass and diminish the clerics in front of HTS soldiers.

Alongside this political warfare, there began a series of assassinations of HTS leaders:

  • 7 September 2017: Abu Nasibah al-Tunisi, an HTS emir (Tunisian): assassinated in western Idlib.
  • 13 September 2017: Abu Muhammad al-Jazrawi, a senior HTS cleric (Saudi): killed in his home in Saraqib in a very professional and targeted assassination.
  • 14 September 2017: Saraqa al-Makki, a senior HTS cleric (Saudi): assassinatedin Idlib, eulogized by Abdallah al-Muhaysini two days later.
  • 18 September 2017: Abu Yasir al-Shami, HTS cleric: killed while in his car, seemingly with an explosive device, in the town of Hatem in northern Idlib.
  • 20 September 2017: Abu Salman al-Maghribi and Abu Yahya al-Tunisi, HTS preachers (North African and Tunisian): killed in Idlib city.
  • 3 October 2017: Abu Elias al-Baniassi (or al-Saheli), HTS cooastal emir: assassinated by a single gunshot to the head by masked men on motorcycles in Idlib.
  • 27 October 2017: Abu Talha al-Urduni, senior HTS commander: assassinated near Saraqib in Idlib with an IED in his car.
  • 27 October 2017: Abu Abdurrahman al-Muhajir, HTS commander: struck down in Khan Shaykhun. Abu Abdurrahman was in the car of a Faylaq al-Sham commander, who was also killed in the blast.
  • 30 October 2017: Abu Ali Dumar al-Sharqi, field commander: assassinated by masked men on a road in Maarat Misreen.

There is a noticeable pattern to those who were assassinated: senior in the ranks of HTS and disproportionately foreign (the foreign contingent tending to be more extreme than local recruits). While Turkey is likely responsible for the majority of these operations, it is possible—indeed likely—that there are multiple actors involved in these assassinations. The Islamic State maintains cells in Idlib, and Bashar al-Asad’s mukhabarat has agents and officers in the province, too. Additionally, as the recordings show, HTS is not above assassinating its own people, and the fact that the early assassinations are of clerics, some close to al-Muhaysini, before the campaign begins against HTS military commanders, allows the possibility that there were two separate campaigns.

Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu gave the first quasi-admission that his government was behind this dual campaign of political and military warfare against HTS on 3 October. Cavusoglu referred cryptically to efforts already underway to dissociate HTS from the remnants of the mainstream armed opposition in the Greater Idlib area. A source within that mainstream opposition added, to Reuters, “With regards to Nusra, [the Turks] are working to weaken it through intelligence operations”. The intention was to peel away those who had joined al-Nusra/HTS for non-ideological reasons by these political and targeted military measures, and only go at the organization directly once it has been shrunk down to its irredeemable core.

Charles Lister reported on this situation at War on the Rocks on 31 October, after a trip to Turkey and extensive meetings with the Syrian opposition. By the time Lister was writing, Turkey had moved into Idlib, beginning on 7 October. The next day, Turkish soldiers were seen being escorted by HTS into the province, and it was quite clear that Ankara and HTS had delineated the areas of control in advance, leaving HTS in control of some territory. This led to accusations—again—that Turkey was “colluding with al-Qaeda”. The reality, however, is that neither side was prepared for a direct confrontation, nor saw an advantage in it—yet. But in forcing HTS to deal with an “infidel” state, Turkey had forced a concession on HTS. Moreover, it is indeed the Turkish government behind the actions against HTS, according to Syrian opposition sources talking to Lister.

Turkey has been left holding the bag for Syria and has prioritized her own security: the Idlib move was primarily against the YPG/PKK, a means of further hemming in that group in Efrin and preventing the PKK exerting further leverage and threats over the Turkish state by controlling more of the border area. Ankara’s simultaneous campaign of subversion, of which the leaks and assassinations were part, to undermine HTS over the long-term might not be a priority on the same level as the anti-PKK focus, but it is operational. A second track of this effort involves Turkey seeking to bolster the Syrian Interim Government led by Jawad Abu Hatab and to fuse this political body with the actual power-wielders among the rebels inside Syria to keep alive a non-jihadi insurgent force.  Given the impossibility of uprooting an organization like HTS that is so organically tied into Idlib by short-term military means, Turkey’s effort seems like a reasonable compromise.

It might not work. Turkey’s intervention spared the two million residents—most of them already displaced once—from the wrath of the pro-Asad coalition, which had long seemed poised for a scorched earth invasion of Idlib. Beyond that, though, as Hassan Hassan has pointed out, Abu Hatab’s administration has hardly shown itself to be virulently resistant to HTS infiltration, and the Turkey-ruled EUPHRATES SHIELD area further north does not provide much cause for optimism that Ankara has created a model of intervention that can stand up a local governing apparatus capable of suppressing the lawlessness and rebel faction fighting that have so long provided jihadists so much space to operate.

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